The recent election for the chairperson and vice-chairpersons of Chadema, the leading opposition party in Mainland Tanzania, concluded on January 22, 2025.
In this election, members of the General Assembly made a critical decision between longtime party leader Freeman Mbowe, who has served for 21 years and promised stability and reconciliation, and Tundu Lissu, the party’s vice-chair for five years, who campaigned for radical transformation and resource redistribution.
The election was characterized by intense campaigns, bringing to light significant concerns over the continued absence of women in the top six leadership positions within Chadema.
Tundu Lissu secured victory by a narrow margin of 31 votes, with the open vote count being observed by General Assembly members, invited guests, and the media.
Alongside Lissu, two men—John Heche and Said Mzee Said—were appointed as deputy chairpersons for Mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar, respectively.
Despite the anticipated focus on gender inclusivity, the election results highlighted a persistent male dominance in Chadema’s leadership, a trend that has remained since the party’s establishment in 1992.
During Chadema’s 2024 Women’s Day celebration, discussions about the need for female representation in leadership roles were initiated, with promises made to address this imbalance in the upcoming internal elections.
However, the just-completed elections reaffirmed the lack of female representation, as there were no women elected or nominated to any of the top six positions.
Internal sources reveal that, despite encouragement, women were reluctant to contest the chairperson and vice-chairperson positions due to competitive dynamics, resource limitations, and apprehensions surrounding incumbent candidates.
In light of the male leadership election, hopes for female representation shifted to the newly elected chairperson.
Under the constitutional guidelines, the chairperson has the authority to nominate the Party Secretary and two Deputy Party Secretaries—one each for Mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar.
However, the nominees proposed for endorsement were all men: John Mnyika as General Secretary, Amani Kolubwa as Deputy General Secretary for Mainland Tanzania, and Ali Ibrahim Juma as Deputy General Secretary for Zanzibar, thereby excluding any potential for female representation in Chadema’s top leadership.
This prevailing male leadership pattern is not exclusive to Chadema, as many Tanzanian political parties struggle with gender representation at the upper echelons.
Yet, the disparity appears notably acute within Chadema. Other parties, such as ACT, have two women among their top seven leaders, while CCM and CUF have one each, leaving Chadema trailing with no women in its highest national leadership roles.
The party’s constitution underscores democratic values, equality, and human rights, but its approach to women’s inclusion remains limited.
Chadema’s constitution designates wings for women, youth, and elders, assuming that women’s issues will be addressed effectively within the women’s wing, Baraza la Wanawake wa Chadema (BAWACHA).
The 2019 constitution emphasizes the importance of representation from both Mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar in crucial leadership roles, yet the representation of women within Chadema’s national decision-making bodies remains disproportionately low.
Post the 2019 internal elections, women constituted only 10% of the General Assembly, 8.6% of the Governing Council, 15.6% of the Central Committee, and 10% of the National Secretariat.
As the newly elected chairperson looks to implement reforms, such as leadership term limits and representation for women in special seats, it is crucial for Chadema to adopt voluntary gender quotas for national leadership positions across all levels.
The chairperson’s nomination of the general secretary and two deputy secretaries presents a significant opportunity for reform.
Amending Chadema’s constitution to ensure nominations include women and youth can be a significant step forward.
Examining political frameworks from other African nations provides insights into effective implementation of gender quotas.
For example, Kenya’s Jubilee Party enforces that no gender can occupy more than two-thirds of party positions, while Liberia’s Congress for Democratic Change mandates 40% women in leadership. Likewise, parties in Benin require at least 30% of leadership positions to be filled by women, and Malawi’s MCP allocates 33% of seats to women across all levels.
These examples illustrate that if voluntary gender quotas are adopted and implemented effectively, they can play a critical role in creating more inclusive leadership structures.
Chadema should also pledge commitment to women’s political representation in its 2025 election manifesto. In contrast to ACT and CCM, which incorporated similar provisions in their 2020 manifestos, Chadema’s manifesto lacked any mention of this issue.
The challenge of low female representation in party structures is compounded by national laws that do not mandate gender quotas. The Political Parties Act of 2019 urges political parties to embrace gender and social inclusion principles but lacks specific numerical targets.
Furthermore, the Act does not include consequences for non-compliance, leaving the decision to include women in leadership roles solely up to the discretion of political parties.
In contrast, some nations have enacted laws requiring political parties to achieve specific gender representation benchmarks in leadership roles.
Ultimately, addressing the underrepresentation of women in political leadership requires systemic changes, legislative action, and shifts in cultural mindset.
Without mandatory gender representation quotas and incentives for compliance in national legislation, alongside the voluntary adoption of quotas by parties like Chadema, the pursuit of genuine women’s representation in Tanzanian political leadership will remain a distant goal.
